A Threshold of Dubious Propriety and Much Importance
Aye.
This is also a threshold. I'm uncertain how I feel about the idea of voting on civil rights, but only because this time we're going to win. And for some reason, the idea of simply following the law—such as we might suggest about the Fourteenth Amendment, and so on—isn't good enough. We've seen marriage equality come through the courts and through a legislature. I think to win a state will—
—change the judicial balance on the issue. We can expect Scalia and Thomas to hold fast, of course, but the four stand a better chance of winning Kennedy if the sense of the society includes an electoral win. Same with Roberts; the Chief Justice isn't Kennedy's poodle in this, per se, but, rather, will have in the traditional swing justice's deliberations a reasonable corpus to compare and contrast with. An electoral win will alter the legal calculus for both of them.
And right now, the biggest enemy is complacency or, perhaps, if voters really are as stupid as some suggest, confusion. R74 will pass as long as (1) voters recognize what "yes" and "no" mean, and (2) marriage equality supporters make certain to vote.
(And, yes, I just checked again, because I would feel foolish to have been wrong after making the point; to approve the measure is to approve the bill and thus approve marriage equality. The confusion apparently, as near as I can tell, stems from the idea that the referendum is put up by the anti-equality movement. But, so that there is no question, the legislature passed the law, which would be in effect except for this anti-equality demand to put it to the ballot. To approve the measure is not to approve the sponsors' outlooks. To approve the measure is to affirm the legislature, and thus institute gay marriage in Washington state.)
Superstring01 said:
I have a powerful aversion to leaving human rights be decided by popular vote. It's the reason why our bill or rights and subsequent enhancements have not been done democratically (or, with minimal involvement of democracy).
Aye.
This is also a threshold. I'm uncertain how I feel about the idea of voting on civil rights, but only because this time we're going to win. And for some reason, the idea of simply following the law—such as we might suggest about the Fourteenth Amendment, and so on—isn't good enough. We've seen marriage equality come through the courts and through a legislature. I think to win a state will—
Regardless, I'm hoping that the SCOTUS takes up the case and jams it down frakking Christians' throats ....
—change the judicial balance on the issue. We can expect Scalia and Thomas to hold fast, of course, but the four stand a better chance of winning Kennedy if the sense of the society includes an electoral win. Same with Roberts; the Chief Justice isn't Kennedy's poodle in this, per se, but, rather, will have in the traditional swing justice's deliberations a reasonable corpus to compare and contrast with. An electoral win will alter the legal calculus for both of them.
And right now, the biggest enemy is complacency or, perhaps, if voters really are as stupid as some suggest, confusion. R74 will pass as long as (1) voters recognize what "yes" and "no" mean, and (2) marriage equality supporters make certain to vote.
(And, yes, I just checked again, because I would feel foolish to have been wrong after making the point; to approve the measure is to approve the bill and thus approve marriage equality. The confusion apparently, as near as I can tell, stems from the idea that the referendum is put up by the anti-equality movement. But, so that there is no question, the legislature passed the law, which would be in effect except for this anti-equality demand to put it to the ballot. To approve the measure is not to approve the sponsors' outlooks. To approve the measure is to affirm the legislature, and thus institute gay marriage in Washington state.)