Revolutionary Fashion
GeoffP said:
Err, people certainly do call it terrorism, and they certainly inquire about their Christianity, along with their political beliefs (right or left) when these offenses are committed by members of some definable group with a philosophy they demand to inject into legislation and/or the common political zeitgeist. What do you mean by 'their Christianity'? When they shoot up a high school, what are their reasons given for doing so?
I guess more what I'm after is that we don't hear suggestions that these Christian, American nationalist, white supremacist, and other such acts should somehow weaken the Constitution or constitute enemy combat. I don't think I ever hear politicians or news media discussing whether Christianity should be a marker of suspicion.
Oh, wait, I
do, but it's always some sort of conspiracy theory like the current argument against gun safety legislation suggesting that this is all to disarm evangelical Christians.
You seem to split your proposition in the last paragraph, so that now intention is irrelevant: I assure that it certainly is relevant to those who come after. They are not unimportant.
It is perhaps relevant to their neuroses; not that I can reasonably expect that it wouldn't be. But in the end, the bottom line is killing is just killing, and if a killer can't dress his crimes in one style, he will simply dress them up in another.
If the logical chain had somehow informed Eric Rudolph that killing people probably wasn't the best demonstration of faith in God's Will and Justice, he would have found another reason to justify killing
someone.
As it was, he picked a pretty good reason; after his arrest, many in the community where he had been hiding supported him. A woman who lived near where Rudolph camped out explained that, now that she knew, no, she wasn't unsettled by the fact:
"He hadn't ever hurt anyone around here," she explained. "Pray for Eric Rudolph," read a sign that appeared shortly after his capture. He even autographed wanted posters for the deputies. Some locals even believed Rudolph was innocent.
How much would people be freaking out if a string of hits like Rudolph achieved turned up a suspect within sight of the
Murfreesboro Muslim community, and local Muslims were saying and doing the things that went on in North Carolina?
And where was the string of conservative politicians clamoring to have Rudolph held as an enemy combatant, that the American civilian justice system was incapable of coping with him? Where was FOX News questioning whether the Constitution applied to people like Rudolph?
Or consider
Kevin Harpham, who attempted to bomb the MLK Day parade in Spokane, Washington. Given his lack of a criminal record and service in the U.S. Army, would his associations with the National Alliance and Vanguard News Network—white supremacist organizations—have been enough to interfere with his ability to travel?
Joe Stack? Should that put anti-tax political organizations and sentiments on the watch list?
In the end, killing is just killing. How one dresses it up is its own question. Was a time when it was Communism, Anarchism, or even
peace.
What is the difference in American culture in the nineteenth century, when it was last recorded that a cow was hanged for sorcery, and today? What is the difference between the time when Christianity was invoked to justify killing, and now, when to do so is somewhat controversial?
The context in which the identity politic exists has changed. Affluence, technology, the very dimensions of society. We've seen what outright revolution does. We're not leveling Pittsburgh anytime soon. Or Chicago. Or Washington. Or Dallas. Or ...? We aren't doing to ourselves what we've seen done in Sarajevo and Grozny. We've done it before, and we do not intend to ever do so again. We have a magnificent empire to enjoy; or intentions toward civility might well be our downfall, but that is yet to be resolved.
The difference between the nineteenth century and today is that, while we have not removed every damoclean threat, we have disarmed so many of the swords hanging delicately over our souls. Many people may be hanging on by mere threads, but there is a difference between hard times and erasure. We think Detroit is bad; well, it is comforting that we can have such standards.
Not Detroit: Grozny, Checnya, 1995.
Tornadoes do that sort of stuff to Oklahoma, sure, but we're not about to rocket and mortar our cities like that. As
I have noted before:
What elevated Christianity out of barbarism was a sense of having something to lose.
I mean, compared to Grozny? Sarajevo? Well, let us be glad Detroit is our problem, as such. We still have the luxury of fretting about having to share world dominance with China and India.
Many people around the world have never had such luxury. Indeed, many can only imagine such luxury in wondering how the Americans and British and French can screw things up so badly.
That luxury, though—or, at least, the processes that make it possible—is insustainable insofar as not everybody can play the role. And here I don't mean Monaco or Equatorial Guinea because they haven't the resources to simply administrate such an endeavor; rather, I mean that Americans have "civilized" themselves as they have in such a manner that only a few nations can join the club. Furthermore, we have "civilized" ourselves in such a manner that
demands incivility somewhere in the world.
That incivility occurs in diverse contexts. Where deprivation coincides with particular social and political values, the values shape the expression of the reaction. And, in truth, if Burmese Buddhists aren't hitting embassies with suicide bombers, well, it might have as much to do with being Burmese, and thus not proximal to a specific American foreign policy gambit reinforcing deprivation, as it does with Buddhism.
Then again, last month's violence in Myanmar, when Buddhists descended on Muslims in religious clashes that left over a hundred dead, started with a dispute, quite literally, over a hairpin. The whole situation is a mess, but one thing for certain, I'm not adding Buddhists to any watch lists.
At a Buddhist temple near the center of town, vendor Sharif is collecting a sack of food and medicine from civil society groups. Like many Muslims in Meiktila, he is the descendant of Indian immigrants to then-Burma. He says he trusts his Buddhist neighbors. That's why he's staying at home, and not in the stadium with other refugees. And that's why he believes the violence was instigated by outsiders.
"I have lived here since I was born," Sharif says. "Muslims and Buddhists have been living together and there have never been any problems, so I feel that someone's manipulating things behind the scenes."
Veteran pro-democracy activist Min Ko Naing, who was in Meiktila during the violence, says he saw people he believed to be professional "terrorists," who were clearly organized and wearing matching wristbands. But he declines to say who these people might be.
Some reports blame Buddhist extremists for inciting the riots with anti-Muslim hate speech. They point to a Mandalay-based monk named U Wirathu. He leads a Buddhist group known as 969 that discourages Buddhists from intermarrying or doing business with Muslims.
But many Buddhists reject that interpretation of their religion. Sharif's neighbor is a Buddhist man whose first name is Min Tun.
"This violence," he says, "is a failure of Buddhist mindfulness, wisdom and lovingkindness."
Min Tun asked that we not reveal his family name. That's because he is sheltering a Muslim friend in his home.
(Kuhn)
____________________
Notes:
Jonsson, Patrik. "How did Eric Rudolph survive?" The Christian Science Monitor. June 4, 2003. CSMonitor.com. April 26, 2013. http://www.csmonitor.com/2003/0604/p01s02-usju.html
Kuhn, Anthony. "As Myanmar Reforms, Old Tensions Rise To The Surface". All Things Considered. April 24, 2013. NPR.org. April 26, 2013. http://www.npr.org/2013/04/24/178806312/as-myanmar-reforms-old-tensions-rise-to-the-surface