No. It requires to look at the document they signed and to understand what it means, what follows from the fact that they both have signed it. And it follows from my interpretation of the real meaning of the document that most of what Trump has told about this is a lie. I understand that this may be too difficult for you to understand, but this is not my problem.
Well, we do understand that you need multiple attempts to tell us what you really mean. So, yes, every once in a while it is hard to figure out what you're on about since you don't know either.
Meanwhile, if "Trump and Kim have found a nice and simple solution", which is to lie, well, okay, sure, we're with you, there, except for the word "solution".
Arsonists have done their work in 1950. After 1953, there was no real fire. So, your comparison does not really fit. But, if you like to use this picture, ok, my variant. Trump throws a big bucket of water into a fire made by Obama, lying at the same time "no, this is not for extinguishing that fire, I will continue to arson in two years, don't worry".
The problem with your variant is its parodical sloth: You omit 1994 (Bill Clinton) and 2003-2009 (Bush Jr., Six-Party Talks), the latter required to deal with George W. Bush's flame job; Dubya set the situation on fire, and here you are complaining about the fire crews. Yes, yes, your historical narrative works great, we know, if we just ignore history. And you really do need to understand, this is part of why people find you extraordinarily unreliable and untrustworthy: You stomp around in clodhopping, scowling ignorance. After a while it's like throwing d4 to decide what you mean, because you clearly can't tell us; after three years here, you still haven't managed to pull it off.
The word "appeasement" is the keyword that allows identifying warmongers. They always use it if they want to discredit some attempts to reach peace. BTW, even the appeasement of Munich 1938, even if it failed to preserve peace, was not that unreasonable or predatory as it is presented today based on knowledge what happened later.
Well, the thing is that people are supposed to learn from history.
That the warmongers now cry is natural and expected. But one key aspect they don't cry about is IMHO the most interesting one ....
.... Why they don't cry about "the Korean Peninsula" instead of "Northern Korea"? Which gives Kim, on a silver plate, the justification of not denuclearizing, given that denuclearization includes now also the denuclearization of parts he cannot denuclearize himself?
See, as you've made clear—
SK itself not. But the US has, and the US has bases there.
Whatever the US will claim now about what is inside these bases, NK is now on equal foot. You want that NK believes the US claim that there are no nukes there? Fine, believe the claim of Kim that he has destroyed them all. Do you want inspections of NK territory? Ok, allow Kim to inspect the US bases.
—this is about your anti-Americanism; your bigotry would simply exploit Koreans.
I can't wait to see Putin stand aside to let Kim Jong-un inspect Russian military facilities alongside American and other international operatives according to your proposition. "Worldwide disarmament" is what the North Koreans claimed to be working toward.
Certeris paribus is not in effect, here, and most people recognize that even if discourse generally fails to develop enough for them to put their finger on it. The problem here is that it is such a basic presupposition, and except for the fact of the issue, one would presume it otherwise in effect about your arguments, as well.
You seem to need to pretend certain circumstantial parity that is observably not true. Start with a broad, open, philosophical point about right and wrong, and think about how good people can be persuaded to believe in mistaken courses that amount to evil. We could look at Germany in history, or Americans and Russians today, and find myriad examples of good people becoming convinced that certain mistaken courses are good. Still, though, what defines a mistaken course? Broadly speaking, we can look to social contracts in order to find a basic sketch. For instance, we Americans know we're screwing up, and that our elections are unstable right now. Russians can present whatever pro-Putin narrative they want, but either their elections are really, really corrupt, or else they're enthusiastically part of their own tyranny. The social contracts describing how people get along with their governments still have some value, somewhere, in the Universe, and whatever else we might argue about diverse iterations of society, it seems very much an extraordinary proposition that you are somehow unable to discern certain glaring differences 'twixt social contracts posturing government of and for people, to the one, and social contracts subjecting people to government, to the other. There is no strong legitimization for the North Korean social contract; the most direct route is the general delegitimization of all social contracts, or, as more commonly applied, the arbitrary disqualification of what one personally disdains without any real consideration of function even in the context of the rest of what one pretends to personally believe.
Toward that last, like I said, bigotry. Your anti-Americanism relies on a phantom caricature of America even more dysfunctional than the real caricature Americans have made of themselves over the years.
The word "appeasement" is the keyword that allows identifying warmongers.
The thing about that point is it requires projection of who or what you criticize and complain about. I've already noted Von Clausewitz; you're a little late.
Why they don't cry about "the Korean Peninsula" instead of "Northern Korea"? Which gives Kim, on a silver plate, the justification of not denuclearizing, given that denuclearization includes now also the denuclearization of parts he cannot denuclearize himself?
It is not surprising that you cannot discern functional differences 'twixt radically different social contracts, but nothing about that means anyone else will necessarily ignore the implications of those differences.