Everybody Jumped for Joy, and Joy Jumped Out the Window
ElectricFetus said:
Can you prove cause and effect? I may vary well be all those thing happened because of the women's movement and not because of legalize abortion.
Which leads right back to misogyny in general, and the question of the abortion movement's place within it.
However, proof is one of those tricky things in our individual hands; primary social sciences literature is expensive, and I don't have access. However, we can start building the mosaic, such as
this citation posted almost a year ago:
A study of low-income women in New York City in the 1960s found that almost one in 10 (8%) had ever attempted to terminate a pregnancy by illegal abortion; almost four in 10 (38%) said that a friend, relative or acquaintance had attempted to obtain an abortion. Of the low-income women in that study who said they had had an abortion, eight in 10 (77%) said that they had attempted a self-induced procedure, with only 2% saying that a physician had been involved in any way.
These women paid a steep price for illegal procedures. In 1962 alone, nearly 1,600 women were admitted to Harlem Hospital Center in New York City for incomplete abortions, which was one abortion-related hospital admission for every 42 deliveries at that hospital that year. In 1968, the University of Southern California Los Angeles County Medical Center, another large public facility serving primarily indigent patients, admitted 701 women with septic abortions, one admission for every 14 deliveries ....
.... In the late 1960s, an alternative to obtaining committee approval emerged for women seeking a legal abortion, but once again, only for those with considerable financial resources. In 1967, England liberalized its abortion law to permit any woman to have an abortion with the written consent of two physicians. More than 600 American women made the trip to the United Kingdom during the last three months of 1969 alone; by 1970, package deals (including round-trip airfare, passports, vaccination, transportation to and from the airport and lodging and meals for four days, in addition to the procedure itself) were advertised in the popular media.
(Benson Gold)
And here we run into another problem; as I write, I'm searching for a prior post in which, on one of the major anniversaries of
Roe v. Wade, a sympathetic organization detailed the progress women have made over time. While that won't be primary data, it will point us toward more source information to chase down.
But this also leads to a note aside about how frustrating it is to devote time and thought and effort to these discussions only to have them brushed off with no effort in favor of an anti-abortion slogan. Remember our
discussion on misogyny? And the
anti-abortion summary thereof? Talk about a non-sequitur. My only question about your approach to the issue is what progress you expect it to accomplish.
Still, though, this is a case we can certainly build; I just don't intend to spend the hours gathering all the sources
today, given the probability that what our anti-abortion neighbors have been told repeatedly will be ignored.
Well first I don't quite understand the question, are you suggesting the social implications of making abortion illegal (the next consequences?) are too heinous? You would need to prove that making abortion illegal also keeps women "in the kitchen" metaphorically or literally.
That's at the heart of this discussion; assigning a new context of personhood to the fetus would trump a woman's right to govern what takes place in her own body.
The whole abortion issue is one where reality and law meets unanswered/controversial metaphysic of what is alive, personhood, existence.
True, but there is also the point that zygote personhood is a new phenomenon. Very well, zygote personhood is the assertion; how, exactly, does that work?
Go back to my random note about vampirism; is there
really no existential difference between me standing beside my partner and the organism existing entirely inside her body, attached to her by a feeding tube that consumes nutrients from her blood? It
does seem a silly note, but if there is no existential difference between me and the fetus, why should anyone not be able to drink
your blood? You know, as long as it doesn't kill you.
Well that an emotional weakness, not a logical approach, If abortion is murder then it mus have all the legal consequences of murder, like forcing women to grow and birth rape babies or else charge them with murder. Attempting to create some kind of special case, granting a fetus status as a semi-person and semi-murder if killed leads to all sort of problems of arbitrariness.
I would agree, but remember that these people consider it unfair to consider the broader implications that don't cast them in a saintly light.
And I disagree with it, it either for abortion or against, sort-of-legal abortion does not make logical sense to me.
Yeah. It's ... er ... right. I would suggest that a review of that
discussion will look rather quite familiar. And it kind of looks like the four-hundred post thread from
2008.
Another thread from 2008 includes an early form of the question in the 2011 thread about pregnancies from rape.
That sounds like a serious jump in logic to me, can you go through the connective steps there for me.
Of course it sounds like a serious jump in logic if one ignores the long record of these discussions, both here at Sciforums and in the world at large.
To the other, it's behaviorally evident. What we see here isn't an isolated web phenomenon; it is not an exclusive behavior of Sciforums members. As I noted earlier, granting the presupposition at the outset in order to explore what happens next? Yes, of course I consider the consequences of the pro-life argument heinous. To wit, there is some
prima facie evidence of societal benefits of abortion on demand to be observed from the simple fact that a large number of women have not become parents the way they otherwise would have.
And consider this:
A teenage girl is not old enough, under the law, to consent to sexual intercourse. But she is old enough, under the law, to have a baby.
Look at what that does to her education, to her body, and so on. The
prima facie evidence of societal benefits is seen in the drastic reduction of septic abortions, the greater potential—widely realized—of individual economic stability, improved physical health from lack of problematic pregnancy and the lack of effects of a normal pregnancy, and vastly improved mental health resulting from a number of factors including all of the above.
Getting to the technical papers? The actual research data? Maybe I can't afford to be paying thirty to a hundred dollars a pop for a paper that may or may not include the information I'm looking for, but well-funded political organizations can. And while the pro-choice side does in fact distill those statistics in other releases (they can't straight-up publish someone else's work, as such), the anti-abortion side generally ignores that data. For instance, as
Planned Parenthood (.pdf) expressed last year:
In 1965, abortion was so unsafe that 17 percent of all deaths due to pregnancy and childbirth were the result of illegal abortion (Gold, 1990; NCHS, 1967). Today, less than 0.3 percent of women undergoing legal abortions sustain a serious complication (Boonstra et al., 2006; Henshaw, 1999). The risk of death associated with abortion increases with the length of pregnancy, from one death for every one million vacuum aspiration abortions at eight or fewer weeks to 8.9 deaths after 20 weeks' gestation (Boonstra et al., 2006). In 2007, the maternal mortality rate in the U.S. was 12.7 deaths per 100,000 live births — a significant difference in maternal mortality rates between ending a pregnancy by abortion and carrying it to term (Paul et al., 2009; Xu et al., 2010). The risk of death from medication abortion through 63 days' gestation is about one per 100,000 procedures (Grimes, 2005). In comparison, the risk of death from miscarriage is about one per 100,000 (Saraiya et al., 1999). And the risk of death associated with childbirth is about 14 times as high as that associated with abortion (Raymond & Grimes, 2012).
The ability to make this personal health care decision has also enabled women to pursue educational and employment opportunities that were often unthinkable prior to Roe. The Supreme Court noted in 1992 that “the ability of women to participate equally in the economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their reproductive lives” (Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, 1992). Justice Harry Blackmun, the author of Roe, called the decision “a step that had to be taken as we go down the road toward the full emancipation of women” (Greenhouse, 1994).
The notion of societal benefits of abortion on demand has been around at least since
Roe. It is reflected, medically, in professional academic literature. And if one really needs an explanation of how abortion on demand "has also enabled women to pursue educational and employment opportunities that were often unthinkable prior to
Roe", they're ignoring the self-evident:
Eighteen years old; a mother or a student, since not everyone can be both. Which condition leads to financial stability that empowers better physical and mental health, and thus better empowers women as individuals?
Now consider that none of that really matters to the anti-abortion advocates. They want what they want and don't care about the implications for women. And that last sentence is
behaviorally evident, not just in this thread or at Sciforums in general, but for the
last forty years in the United States.
I'm not seeing the problem, if your claiming there is a paradox that either the mother or the fetus gets shafted, yeah I've gone over that.
It's not about the shafting of mother or fetus, as such. Rather, it's about the implications of LACP as a juristic issue. Once that "personhood
in utero" [PIU] is established, a whole bunch of other things happen. And that's according to the Supreme Law of the Land.
The first problem I raised in this context, years ago, is that society cannot simply deny a class of "people" equal protection under the law simply because it is too complicated or expensive to do so; there is no constitutional exception.
Thus, if it really is absurd to investigate so many women for potential miscarriages, the outcome is that a class of "people" (i.e., PIU) will not enjoy the equal protection of the law. Was this a miscarriage? Did someone deliberately induce it (murder)? Did some accident cause it (manslaughter/negligent homicide)? If we're not going to investigate those deaths, we're not affording PIU equal protection.
There is no constitutional escape from this consequence. And if I consider those outcomes heinous, I might wonder why I shouldn't.
Unless, of course, LACP is just about putting women back in their place. That is, PIU gets personhood against abortion, but not in anything else.
Perhaps this is a unique question to the United States; I haven't studied the equal protection laws in other nations as thoroughly as I should.
Kenji Yoshino (.pdf), a constitutional law professor at NYU, considering the changing nature of equal protection, noted in 2011:
The jurisprudence of the United States Supreme Court reflects this pluralism anxiety. Over the past decades, the Court has systematically denied constitutional protection to new groups, curtailed it for already covered groups, and limited Congress's capacity to protect groups through civil rights legislation. The Court has repeatedly justified these limitations by adverting to pluralism anxiety. These cases signal the end of equality doctrine as we have known it.
The end of traditional equality jurisprudence, however, should not be conflated with the end of protection for subordinated groups. Squeezing law is often like squeezing a balloon. The contents do not escape, but erupt in another area, in a dynamic that Professor Louis Henkin once dubbed “constitutional displacement.” The Court's commitment to civil rights has not been pressed out, but rather over to collateral doctrines. Most notably, the Court has moved away from group-based equality claims under the guarantees of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to individual liberty claims under the due process guarantees of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments.
To the other, as Yoshino explains, the United States is "arguably the most religiously diverse country in the world", points out that the "visibility of women, sexual minorities, and individuals with disabilities has skyrocketed", and observes that the "Census Bureau now acknowledges sixty-three possible racial identities".
It may well be that this version of the equal protection consideration within the abortion and LACP issue is unique to our society.
Well yes some pro-lifers are specifically out to suppress women, but I still don't see how its not possible as you claim to be pro-life and not gender equalist.
If one is willing to visit documentable harm on a class of people in order to fulfill mere sentiment, that pretty much makes that person antithetical to the class. That is, if this sentimental PIU is granted, there
will be vast repercussions; first for women of childbearing age and faculty, and then for everyone else. Forced motherhood has
observable detrimental effects on women.
But, you know, those don't matter, apparently. That is:
Sure, I want this to happen to women, but it's not because I hate them. I'm not a misogynist, I just want an outcome that hurts women as a whole.
One might as well say, "I'm not a racist, I just hate black people."
Probably because certain people keep twisting it to that, the whole misogynist tactic has been very affect world wide in twisting the abortion debate.
I suppose you're right. After all, assessing people according to their behavior is unfair. We should, instead, assess their behavior according to how they want to be viewed.
"Truth will out" generally
doesn't mean truth will take a flying leap out a thirtieth-floor window.
____________________
Notes:
Benson Gold, Rachel. "Lessons from Before Roe: Will Past be Prologue?" The Guttmacher Report on Public Policy. March, 2003; v.6, n.1. Guttmacher.org. January 6, 2014. http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/tgr/06/1/gr060108.html
Planned Parenthood. Roe v. Wade: Its History and Impact. 2013. PlannedParenthood.org. January 6, 2014. http://www.plannedparenthood.org/files/PPFA/Roe_History_and_Impact.pdf
Yoshino, Kenji. "The New Equal Protection". Harvard Law Review. Vol. 124:747. 2011. HarvardLawReview.org. January 6, 2014. http://www.harvardlawreview.org/media/pdf/vol124_yoshino.pdf