The Revolution Will Find You
Mountainhare said:
Yeah, but that's quite often what happens after you overthrow the current ruling regime.
Here, let's assume there are only two alternatives: Live under a corrupt regime, or overthrow it and plunge your country into chaos.
How 'bad' must the current regime be, before the chaos option becomes feasible?
I suppose I was considering chaos in the more deliberate sense. I still can't speak to the
Vendetta comparison. Maybe by the end of the week I'll have actually watched the film.
But, to work with generalizations, the chaos that results from revolution can be either deliberate or accidental. The cynic in me reminds that people will often denigrate themselves in general if only to prove a point against something they resent. In this case, there is the idea put forward by Freud and others that it is not necessarily the law, or fear of punishment, that keeps us in line. In a society such as the United States, the laws are generally held to reflect our moral outlook; e.g. if, somehow, the government accidentally or intentionally struck the laws against murder, we wouldn't all just start randomly killing one another. ("What? It's legal. Might as well, eh?") To the other, and perhaps more rationally, laws against drug use, prostitution, and organized gambling don't actually do anything to stop people from committing those crimes. Of course, neither do laws against murder.
At some level, then, it seems to me that it is, indeed, possible to hold a revolution in good faith and see an orderly outcome. This, of course, is about as likely as waking up tomorrow to find that the majority of Americans have signed on to a petition that enumerates our offenses against Muslims and Arabs, apologizes profusely, and asks the radicals to please stop so we can figure a solution. It just ain't going to happen right now.
But the Communist Revolution, for instance, has this good-faith potential. Right now, what screws up communism is that people don't seem to understand what it means. An old argument against the reds is that there is no reason for a worker to do a good job if the half-assed performance next to him earns the same reward. This is a bit of a simplification, as I see it, and, furthermore, admits that the "good" worker is only in it for himself, and either does not understand or rejects outright the relationship between individual and society. We saw the same with the trickle-down theory; while the benefits were supposed to trickle down broadly to the people, the rich scrambled to consolidate the wealth all over again. Or the L.A. riots after the Rodney King verdict: I well understand that people were angry enough to tear shit up, but shouldn't they have marched over to the more affluent neighborhoods and gone bananas? What was the point of tearing up the home turf? I haven't yet been able to figure that one out.
In theory, the Communist Revolution that succeeds will be silent, and come about naturally. We see it beginning in employer-funded healthcare, education, and retirement. But this isn't really the kind of revolution we're considering.
To the other, I think the Fight Club space-monkey revolution is also a bit extreme.
For meaningful revolution that comes at the price of chaos and destruction, the justification seems to be a consideration of what recourse the people have. And that's
meaningful recourse. To wit, many people think their vote doesn't count anymore.
The people will lose any meaningful vote; after all, even the Iraqis had a vote under Saddam from time to time. It's a common ruse for dictators. The people will lose their right to meaningful demonstration. This is already happening; the idea of "legal protest zones" removed from the object of protest is repugnant, and is part of what raised tensions around the WTO riot in Seattle. Speech will be suppressed, and any but the most "patriotic" propaganda will be on the hit list. Desperate labor strikes will be met with government brutality. At some point, there will be no means left for the people to enforce the social contract. When that day comes, prime up the guns, top off the Molotovs, fill the streets, and tear the place to pieces.
Elton John recently criticized the internet, and though his suggestion was outrageous, the foundation of his complaint was not. It was, perhaps, myopic and misguided, but he was at least sincere. Part of his complaint was that people should be filling the streets in protest instead of sitting at home blogging. To a degree, that's fair. But in the United States, the people at large have lost their taste for direct action and civil disobedience, in part because the government doesn't really care, and there are plenty of allegedly respectable neighbors willing to decry such tactics. Protest is more comedic fodder these days, an object for scorn. The people will, hopefully, get it back. And when they do, if the government is willing to take its arms to the streets and fight its own people, the revolution will officially be afoot.
We take to bloody revolt only when our grievances are just, and rebellion is the only remaining means of expression. For some reason, people deify, or "heroify" folks like Randy Weaver and David Koresh. Mostly, I think, it's simply a means of demonizing the government. Seriously, I just don't believe that many people looked at Koresh and said, "Polygamy with child brides? Where do I sign up?"
I sighed. "Were you around in two twenty-one?"
He raised his eyebrows. "The riots? Yes. That was a bad time." He shook his head as he spoke, and the corners of his mouth fell. But it was funny; it seemed, at the same time, that his eyes lit up just a bit, way down deep.
I said, "You were involved?"
"Involved? How could I not be involved? It was everyone; we were part of it or we hid from it, but we were all involved."
"Was my father involved?"
He gave me a look that I couldn't read. Then he said, "Yes, your father, he was there. He and I, and your grandmother too, and my brother Jani. We were at Twovine and Hilltop when the Empire tried to break us." His voice hardened a bit as he said that. "Your father killed a Guard, too. With a butcher knife."
"He did?"
He nodded.
I didn't say anything for a while, trying to see how I felt about this. It seemed odd, and I wished I'd known while my father was stilll alive. There was a brief pang from knowing that I'd never see him again. I finally said, "And you?"
"Oh, they gave me a post after the fight, so I guess I was there too."
"A post?"
"I was a block delegate, for M'Gary Street north of Elm. So when we met, I had to go there for everyone from our neighborhood and say what we wanted."
"I hadn't known about that. Dad never talked about it."
"Well, he was unhappy. That was when I lost your grandmother--when they came back in."
"The Empire?"
"Yes. They came back with more troops--Dragons who had fought in the East."
"Would you like to tell me about it?"
He sighed and looked away for a moment. I guess he was thinking about my grandmother. I wished I'd met her. "Perhaps another time, Vladimir."
"Sure. All right. I noticed that Kelly looked at you as if he recognized you. Was it from then?"
"Yes. I knew him. He was young then. When we spoke of him before I didn't know it was the same Kelly."
"Is he a good man, Noish-pa?"
He glanced at me quickly. "Why this question?"
"Because of Cawti, I suppose."
"Hmmph. Well, yes, he is good, perhaps, if what he does you call good."
I tried to decipher that, then came at it from another angle. "You didn't seem to think much of Cawti being involved with these people. Why is that, if you were involved in it yourself?"
He spread his hands. "Vladimir, if there is an uprising against the landlords, then of course you want to help. What else can you do? But this is different. She is looking to make trouble where there is none. And it was never something that came between Ibronka--your grandmother--and me."
"It didn't?"
"Of course not. That happened, and we were all a part of it. We had to be a part of it or we would be with the counts and the landlords and the bankers. It was one or the other then, it was not a thing for which I abandoned my family."
"I see. Is that what you want to tell Cawti, if she comes to see you?"
"If she asks I will tell her."
(Steven Brust, Teckla)
When the time comes, the revolution will find us.